Summary
Indian diplomats spent nearly 100 hours negotiating Paragraph 28 of the 2026 BRICS New Delhi Declaration, bridging a deep rift between fellow BRICS members Iran and the UAE over the West Asia conflict. The breakthrough came only after Tehran was persuaded it would not be blamed for a war started by the US and after China and Russia leaned on the UAE to accept the final wording.
The resulting text expresses "deep concern" and calls for "maximum restraint" without naming the United States, Israel or Iran - a carefully engineered ambiguity that let both Tehran and Abu Dhabi sign off without appearing to concede anything.
WHY IN NEWS FOR UPSC & STATE PCS
The Indian Express's inside account of the negotiations, published a day after the 18th BRICS Summit concluded in New Delhi, reveals how close the bloc came to failing on consensus after Iran and the UAE - both admitted in 2024 - clashed over how to characterise the West Asia conflict and how India's Sherpa team, backed by China and Russia, engineered language vague enough for both sides to accept.
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THE PARAGRAPH THAT SUCCEEDED BY SAYING NOTHING SPECIFIC
Paragraph 28 of the BRICS New Delhi Declaration "expresses deep concern" over West Asia and calls for "maximum restraint"
- language so generic it could apply to almost any conflict, anywhere. That vagueness isn't a drafting failure. It is the entire mechanism by which India's Sherpa team turned a bloc-threatening deadlock between Iran and the UAE into a signed consensus.
What Each Side Actually Needed
Iran's calculation was never about winning sympathetic language - it needed to avoid being blamed for a war it says the US started, while still being seen standing up for itself among fellow Global South members. The UAE's calculation was the mirror image: it had absorbed Iranian-linked strikes on its own cities and needed acknowledgment of its sovereignty and civilian protection, without publicly indicting Iran in a joint document both would have to sign.
Neither side needed the truth stated. Both needed a text that let them tell their own domestic and regional audiences whatever version suited them.
Why Naming No One Was the Actual Deal This is
why the negotiators' central rule - "neither the US nor Iran could be named"
- is the real story, not a footnote to it. Once names were off the table, the paragraph could do double duty: Iran could read "recalling our respective national positions" as recognition that it acted in self-defence against an American-Israeli strike; the UAE could read the sovereignty and civilian-protection language as an implicit rebuke of Iranian-linked attacks on its territory. Both readings survive in the same eleven sentences, because neither reading is actually written down. China and Russia's late intervention with the UAE only worked because they were selling silence, not selling a position - a far easier ask than persuading Abu Dhabi to accept language that named Tehran responsible for anything. This is the deeper lesson about how a nine-plus-member bloc without a permanent secretariat manufactures agreement when its own new members are adversaries: BRICS consensus does not require Iran and the UAE to agree on what happened in West Asia. It requires them to agree on a sentence vague enough that each can privately disagree with the other's reading of it. That is a materially different and much easier, diplomatic achievement - and confusing the two is exactly the mistake a "both sides reaffirmed their commitment to peace" reading of this paragraph would make. For the exam, the real insight isn't "India successfully mediated a crisis." It's that expanded, adversary-inclusive blocs like the post-2024 BRICS survive not by resolving the disputes within them, but by drafting around them - a skill that will only become more important as BRICS keeps admitting members with live regional conflicts against each other.
Quick Facts
Key numbers & takeaways — revise these first
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Nearly 100 hours of negotiations produced Paragraph 28 of the BRICS New Delhi Declaration.
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Iran and the UAE both joined BRICS in 2024, bringing a regional rivalry directly into the bloc's consensus process.
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Paragraph 28 does not name the United States, Israel or Iran; it calls for "maximum restraint" while citing "respective national positions." China and Russia intervened in the final days to persuade the UAE to accept the language after Iran had already come around.
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Sudhakar Dalela served as India's BRICS Sherpa for its 2026 chairship, leading the Ministry of External Affairs' Multilateral Economic Relations division.
Connect the dots for your UPSC preparation.
Standard news covers the event. Log in to read our comprehensive analysis and uncover the hidden constitutional, structural, and ethical dimensions of this topic:
The full interest-map breakdown of what China, Russia, Brazil and Egypt each specifically wanted from an Iran-UAE resolution and why their incentives weren't identical
Why the failed May 2026 Foreign Ministers meeting reveals the exact threshold BRICS consensus rules require and what happens when it isn't met
The comparison with the 2023 G20 New Delhi Declaration's dedicated-secretariat model and what BRICS's lack of one meant for how this negotiation had to be run
The way-forward assessment of whether BRICS can keep absorbing rival states without a formal dispute-resolution mechanism
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