Summary
A decade into the Reserve Bank of India's Flexible Inflation Targeting framework, economists Rohit Azad and Indranil Chowdhury argue in the Economic and Political Weekly that India's Phillips curve is empirically flat, meaning the framework's core assumption - that raising interest rates trades lower output for lower inflation - does not hold. With roughly 92 percent of India's workforce informal and lacking wage-bargaining power and household inflation expectations consistently outpacing RBI forecasts by about four percentage points, the policy appears to suppress growth and employment without meaningfully controlling prices.
WHY IN NEWS FOR UPSC & STATE PCS
The critique arrives as the RBI completes ten years of formal inflation targeting under Section 45ZA of the RBI Act, prompting a reassessment of whether importing a Western macroeconomic framework built on rising wages and tightening labour markets ever fit an economy where the overwhelming majority of workers are price-takers rather than wage-bargainers. The authors' empirical test, using monthly industrial output and CPI inflation data from April 2012 to March 2026, finds the New Keynesian Phillips Curve underlying inflation targeting is, at best, flat in India.
Standard News
Inflation Targeting Has Cost India Jobs Without Controlling Prices
India's inflation-targeting framework rests on a specific economic story: raise interest rates, cool demand and either output falls along with inflation or people's expectations of future inflation fall instead, sparing output the pain. A decade of data suggests neither version of that story is actually happening here.
THE REASONING
Inflation targeting works, in theory, through the New Keynesian Phillips Curve - the idea that when the economy runs hot, tight labour markets let workers bargain up wages, which businesses then pass on as higher prices.
Raise interest rates, cool demand and that wage-price spiral eases. But that entire mechanism depends on workers actually having bargaining power to negotiate wages up in the first place. In India, roughly 92 percent of the workforce is informal, meaning the overwhelming majority of workers are price-takers with no meaningful ability to negotiate wages regardless of how hot the economy runs.
Strip out that bargaining power and the wage-price link the whole framework depends on simply isn't there - which is exactly what Azad and Chowdhury's decade-long empirical test of India's Phillips curve finds: it's flat.
Raising rates cools demand and output, but with no functioning wage-bargaining channel to transmit that cooling into lower prices, inflation doesn't meaningfully fall - only growth and jobs do.
THE STRONGEST COUNTER-ARGUMENT
The strongest defence of inflation targeting doesn't rely on the wage-bargaining channel at all - it rests on expectations management. Even if the Phillips curve is flat, proponents argue, a credible inflation target can still work by anchoring what people expect prices to do next, which itself feeds into pricing and wage decisions independent of labour-market tightness.
On this view, the RBI doesn't need workers to bargain wages up or down; it just needs households and businesses to trust that the RBI will hit its 4 percent target and that trust alone does the disciplining work. This is a real mechanism, not a manufactured one - central banks worldwide have used credible targets to anchor expectations even in economies with weak formal wage bargaining.
WHY THE POSITION STILL HOLDS
The problem is that this exact mechanism is the one the data shows has also failed. If expectations management were working, household inflation expectations should track the RBI's own projections reasonably closely. Instead, the RBI's own Inflation Expectations Survey of Households shows expectations have run about four percentage points above the RBI's projections, consistently, over the decade studied - and the gap holds even when compared against actual realised inflation, not just the RBI's forecasts.
That is not a minor miss; it is direct evidence that the public simply isn't anchoring its expectations to the RBI's target the way the framework assumes. So the counter-argument's own preferred channel - credibility-driven expectation anchoring - turns out to be exactly as broken as the wage-bargaining channel it was meant to substitute for.
With both transmission mechanisms empirically absent in the Indian data, what remains is a policy that reliably suppresses output and employment during rate-hike cycles, without the offsetting benefit of actually controlling inflation it was designed to deliver - a cost borne disproportionately by the same informal, price-taking workers the framework's own theory assumed would benefit from stable prices.
Quick Facts
Key numbers & takeaways — revise these first
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The RBI adopted the Flexible Inflation Targeting framework in 2016 through an amendment to Section 45ZA of the RBI Act, 1934, mandating CPI inflation be kept at 4 percent within a band of plus or minus 2 percentage points.
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Around 92 percent of India's workforce operates in the informal or unorganised sector, lacking meaningful wage-bargaining power.
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Economists Rohit Azad and Indranil Chowdhury's research, published in the Economic and Political Weekly, tested India's New Keynesian Phillips Curve using monthly industrial output and CPI inflation data from April 2012 to March 2026 and found it effectively flat.
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The RBI's own Inflation Expectations Survey of Households shows household inflation expectations have consistently exceeded RBI projections by an average of about four percentage points over the period studied.
Connect the dots for your UPSC preparation.
Standard news covers the event. Log in to read our comprehensive analysis and uncover the hidden constitutional, structural, and ethical dimensions of this topic:
The full empirical methodology behind the flat Phillips curve finding, including the specific data and configurations tested.
A deeper look at exactly how the expectations-anchoring channel is supposed to work and why India's specific survey data undermines it.
What policy alternatives to strict inflation targeting might better suit an economy with a 92 percent informal workforce.
The distributional argument for who actually bears the cost of failed inflation targeting in India.
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