Summary
In an opinion piece published in the Indian Express on August 24, 2026, Rajya Sabha MP Manoj Kumar Jha reflects on Hiren Mukherjee's 1978 book "Portrait of Parliament," identifying four symptoms of institutional decline in the Indian Parliament: concentration of power in the executive, decline of substantive debate, erosion of institutional memory and conventions and the diminishing role of parliamentary committees. Jha argues that Parliament increasingly functions as a body that ratifies decisions made elsewhere rather than one that holds the executive accountable, as required under Article 75(3) of the Constitution.
WHY IN NEWS FOR UPSC & STATE PCS
The piece arrives amid ongoing debate over abbreviated time allocated to major bills and the increasing use of the guillotine to pass demands for grants without discussion in recent Parliament sessions. It reframes a familiar complaint about disruption and noise in Parliament by locating the deeper institutional damage in a quieter, more measurable trend: the declining rate at which bills are referred to Departmentally Related Standing Committees for detailed scrutiny.
Standard News
The Wrong Symptom Gets the Attention
When people say Parliament is in decline, they usually mean the shouting. The walkouts, the placards, the sessions adjourned before noon. That is the version of decline that makes the news, because it is loud and visual and easy to clip. It is also not the version that actually costs Parliament its function. A bill introduced, debated for a few minutes and passed by voice vote - never once examined by a standing committee - does not generate outrage.
Nobody storms the well of the House over it. It simply happens, quietly and the law takes effect. That silence is precisely what should worry us more than the noise does.
What Committees Actually Do Departmentally Related Standing
Committees exist to do the part of legislating that floor debate cannot: line-by-line examination, expert testimony, stakeholder consultation, away from the pressure of scoring a point before the cameras. A bill that skips this stage isn't merely passed faster - it is passed less examined, by definition.
Nobody outside the drafting process has been forced to explain, in detail, why each provision exists and what its consequences will be. This is the mechanism Hiren Mukherjee understood when he warned, decades ago, that Parliament's decline would come not from any single dramatic failure but from the slow abandonment of its own deliberative habits.
The steep drop in the share of bills referred to standing committees over successive Lok Sabhas is exactly that kind of quiet abandonment - no single instance looks like a crisis and the cumulative effect is a legislature that increasingly ratifies rather than examines.
Why This Framing Matters More Than It Sounds
Reframing "parliamentary decline" around committee referral rates rather than disruption changes what the fix actually looks like. Disruption is treated as a discipline problem - something to be scolded, whipped or ruled out of order.
A falling referral rate is a procedural choice, made by whoever controls the legislative calendar, about whether a bill goes to committee at all. That distinction matters because one of these problems is genuinely fixable through institutional rule and the other is not.
You cannot legislate away political disagreement and a Parliament without disagreement would not be a healthier one - dissent voiced sharply is not decline, it is the system working. But a falling committee referral rate is not a symptom of democracy functioning loudly.
It is a specific, trackable, correctable choice: how many bills, this session, went to committee before passage and how many didn't.
The Actual Measure to Watch
The true test of Parliament's health, then, is not how much noise fills the chamber, but how much scrutiny a bill survives before it becomes law. A Parliament that is calm on the floor but sends every major bill through committee first is doing its job.
A Parliament that looks orderly because bills clear in minutes, unexamined, is failing at exactly the function that makes it a legislature rather than a rubber stamp. If reform has to start somewhere concrete, it should start with restoring the default: bills go to committee and skipping that step becomes the exception that needs justifying, not the other way around.
Quick Facts
Key numbers & takeaways — revise these first
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The opinion piece was authored by Rajya Sabha MP Manoj Kumar Jha of the Rashtriya Janata Dal and published in the Indian Express on August 24, 2026.
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Hiren Mukherjee served in the Lok Sabha from 1952 to 1977 and authored "Portrait of Parliament: Reflections and Recollections." Article 75(3) of the Constitution mandates that the Council of Ministers is collectively responsible to the Lok Sabha.
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Departmentally Related Standing Committees exist to allow detailed examination of bills away from partisan contestation and the piece identifies their diminishing use as a key symptom of institutional decline.
Connect the dots for your UPSC preparation.
Standard news covers the event. Log in to read our comprehensive analysis and uncover the hidden constitutional, structural, and ethical dimensions of this topic:
TAN's strongest built version of the counter-argument that disruption, not committee bypassing, is the real crisis - and why that argument, however serious, ultimately measures the wrong thing.
The full reasoning connecting Article 75(3)'s collective responsibility clause to why committee scrutiny specifically operationalises executive accountability.
How the same falling referral-rate trend across successive Lok Sabhas offers a concrete, trackable fix that disruption-focused reform proposals cannot.
TAN's resolved position on why "how loud is the floor" is the wrong question and "how many bills reached committee" is the right one to track session over session.
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