Summary
Supreme Court judge Justice Ujjal Bhuyan used a convocation address to highlight that Article 124(3)'s "distinguished jurist" route to the apex court - alongside the more familiar High Court and Bar routes - has never once been used since the Constitution came into force. He attributed this to either a perceived lack of academic depth or, more pointedly, to the Collegium and government never seriously exploring the provision at all.
WHY IN NEWS FOR UPSC & STATE PCS
Justice Ujjal Bhuyan's August 30 remarks have revived attention to Article 124(3)(c), which allows the President to appoint a "distinguished jurist" as a Supreme Court judge - a category the Constituent Assembly deliberately included in 1949 but that has sat unused through every subsequent appointment cycle, including the recent elevation of Justice V. Mohana directly from the Bar.
Standard News
The Constitution Left a Door Open. The Collegium Never Walked Through It. Article
124(3) does not say the Supreme Court must be staffed only by High Court judges and senior advocates. It names three routes, in the same sentence, with the same constitutional weight: five years on a High Court bench, ten years at the Bar or - in the President's opinion - being a "distinguished jurist." Seventy-five years on, only the first two have ever produced a single judge.
The third sits in the text, fully valid, entirely unused.
The Text Was Never the Obstacle
- the Institution Was This is not a case of constitutional silence, the kind of genuine gap Priya usually looks for. The framers were explicit: H.V. Kamath argued in the Constituent Assembly on May 24, 1949 that India needed a way to bring in scholars with "outstanding legal and juristic learning" even without courtroom experience, pointing to how judges of the International Court of Justice were selected. Ambedkar's only objection was to the word "distinguished" itself - he wondered if "eminent" fit better - and left the final call to the Drafting Committee. The clause passed cleanly. There was no ambiguity to resolve later, no vague phrase courts had to interpret. The provision has always meant exactly what it says. What actually blocked it is structural, not textual: since the Second Judges Case established the Collegium system, every Supreme Court appointment must first be recommended by the Collegium before the government acts on it. A Collegium composed entirely of sitting judges, evaluating candidates against their own professional template - High Court experience, courtroom track record - has no institutional incentive to recommend someone whose qualification is academic depth rather than judicial or advocacy experience. Justice Bhuyan's own diagnosis captures this precisely: either the Collegium believed Indian academia lacked sufficient depth or - more damningly - it simply never seriously explored the option at all.
Why the Distinction Matters for the Exam The
42nd Amendment briefly extended a similar "distinguished jurist" category to High Court appointments under Article 217, only for the 44th Amendment to repeal it post-Emergency - a rare instance of the Constitution actually testing a version of this idea and then reversing course, distinct from the Supreme Court provision, which has simply never been tried at all.
That distinction matters: Article 217's version was tried and abandoned; Article 124(3)(c) has never been tried and abandoned, it has simply been ignored. An aspirant who conflates "the Constitution once allowed this and stopped" with "the Constitution has always allowed this and nobody has used it" will misread the actual institutional failure at the heart of this story - which is not textual withdrawal, but sustained non-use by design.
Quick Facts
Key numbers & takeaways — revise these first
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Article 124(3) lists three eligibility routes for Supreme Court appointment - five years as a High Court judge, ten years as an advocate or being "in the opinion of the President, a distinguished jurist." The clause was added during Constituent Assembly debates on May 24, 1949, following an amendment moved by H.V.
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Kamath.
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A parallel "distinguished jurist" category for High Court judges, added to Article 217 by the 42nd Amendment, was later repealed by the 44th Amendment.
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Bar Council of India rules generally prevent full-time law teachers from practising law, complicating who would even qualify as a "distinguished jurist" in practice.
Connect the dots for your UPSC preparation.
Standard news covers the event. Log in to read our comprehensive analysis and uncover the hidden constitutional, structural, and ethical dimensions of this topic:
The full 1949 Constituent Assembly exchange between H.V. Kamath and B.R. Ambedkar over "distinguished" versus "eminent" - and why the wording debate mattered more than it seemed.
Why Bar Council rules restricting full-time law professors from practising create a structural bind even if the Collegium wanted to use Article 124(3)(c) today.
The Upendra Baxi episode - a near-appointment that never materialised - and what it reveals about how close India once came to using this route.
A structural "way forward" on what institutional reform would actually be needed to operationalise this clause.
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