Summary
Former NSA M.K. Narayanan argued in The Hindu that India and China can coexist peacefully. He said China's military edge is a myth, that both sides gain nothing from conflict and that patient diplomacy in the spirit of Rajiv Gandhi's 1988 visit and the 2005 boundary principles can secure peace.
TAN agrees that coexistence is possible and necessary, but rejects the claim that the threat is a myth. The 2020 Galwan clash broke the bargain of decades of agreements that ruled out force. TAN argues that diplomacy now has to rest on credible deterrence, because the record shows that diplomacy alone did not prevent the use of force.
WHY IT MATTERS FOR UPSC & STATE PCS
M.K. Narayanan's opinion piece, published on 31 October 2026, made a deliberately dovish case for India-China coexistence. It appeared amid reported PLA deviations from established patrolling patterns along the Line of Actual Control in Arunachal Pradesh.
Standard News
Coexistence Needs Both a Handshake and a Wall
India can coexist peacefully with China. But it cannot do so by treating China's military threat as a myth. Peace now depends on diplomacy that rests on credible deterrence.
The reasoning For three decades, India's China policy rested on a bargain struck during Rajiv Gandhi's 1988 visit to Beijing: keep the boundary dispute in one box and let trade, culture and diplomacy grow outside it. The bargain was written into law-like texts. The 1993 agreement on peace and tranquillity and the 2005 Guiding Principles, both say in Article I that neither side will use or threaten force against the other. Then came June 2020. In the Galwan Valley, 20 Indian soldiers were killed in the first deadly clash on the LAC in decades. Whatever the causes, the result is clear: a written pledge against force did not stop force. The bargain that kept the border separate from everything else broke. If agreements alone could not hold, something else must stand behind them. That something is deterrence: enough military presence and preparedness that any attempt to change the LAC by force would fail or cost too much to try.
The strongest counter-argument The best case against this position comes from M.K.
Narayanan himself - and from his own record. He was the Special Representative who signed the 2005 principles. That agreement and the 1988 approach before it, kept the border largely quiet for decades without the heavy deterrence India now maintains.
He also argues that neither side gains from war: conflict would derail China's ambition to become the leading world power by 2049. In the high Himalayas, he says, neither army has a decisive edge. And treating China as an existential threat, together with India's role in the US-backed Quad, persuades Beijing that India is part of a containment plan - which hardens its position.
On this view, a threat posture is self-fulfilling. Diplomacy worked before; it can work again. This is a serious argument. It is built on real experience and it is right that neither side wants war.
Why the
position still holds The counter-argument shows that diplomacy can keep peace. It does not show that diplomacy alone will. Its own evidence - decades of calm under the 1988 and 2005 frameworks - ended at Galwan, while those frameworks were still formally in force.
The argument proves the value of agreements, but not that agreements are enough. The argument from mutual interest also proves less than it appears. Precisely because neither side wants full war, small, deniable pressure along an undefined LAC becomes tempting.
Deterrence is what makes that pressure pointless. And the October 2024 understanding that restored patrolling in Depsang and Demchok came after years of a matched military standoff. Diplomacy delivered - with deterrence behind it.
TAN's position therefore stands: coexistence is the goal, diplomacy is the method and deterrence is the condition that makes both credible.
Quick Facts
Key numbers & takeaways — revise these first
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M.K. Narayanan is a former Director of the Intelligence Bureau, former National Security Adviser and former Governor of West Bengal.
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As India's Special Representative, he signed the 2005 Agreement on Political Parameters and Guiding Principles with China's Dai Bingguo on 11 April 2005.
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Article I of the 2005 agreement says neither side shall use or threaten to use force against the other.
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Article VII says a boundary settlement shall safeguard the due interests of settled populations in border areas.
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The 1993 Agreement on the Maintenance of Peace and Tranquillity also bars the use or threat of force.
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Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi visited China in 1988 and met Deng Xiaoping.
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The Sino-Indian war was fought in 1962.
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Twenty Indian soldiers were killed in the Galwan Valley clash of June 2020.
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The McMahon Line marks the boundary in the eastern sector, which China disputes.
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The Quad comprises India, the United States, Japan and Australia.
Connect the dots for your UPSC preparation.
Standard news covers the event. Log in to read our comprehensive analysis and uncover the hidden constitutional, structural, and ethical dimensions of this topic:
The full reasoning on how the 1988 compartmentalisation and the 1993 and 2005 no-force texts were meant to work and why Galwan broke them
The strongest counter-argument, built from M.K. Narayanan's own record as the signatory of the 2005 principles
Why mutual interest in avoiding war makes small, deniable LAC pressure more likely, not less
How the 2024 patrolling understanding shows diplomacy and deterrence working together
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