Summary
Political scientist John Keane, writing in The Indian Express, reads this year's wave of street protests - from France and Chile to India, Serbia and Indonesia - as revolts of the powerless. They show that power depends on the consent of the governed and collapses when that consent is withdrawn.
He suggests they may be the emergency brakes of slow democratic revolutions, while warning that they could also be hyperpolitics: viral outrage that changes little. This essay tests that question across two domains - contemporary protest movements and Gandhi's non-cooperation.
It argues that refusal exposes power, but only organisation and constructive work can turn that exposure into lasting change.
WHY IT MATTERS FOR UPSC & STATE PCS
John Keane's essay, published on 31 October 2026, frames simultaneous protests across many countries as revolts of the powerless. It asks whether they mark the start of slow democratic revolutions or merely viral, short-lived outrage - a question central to UPSC Essay and GS themes on democracy and civil society.
Standard News
The Brake and the Steering Wheel
Every government, however strong, rests on the daily cooperation of ordinary people: clerks who process files, workers who keep trains running, citizens who pay taxes and follow rules. Withdraw that cooperation on a large enough scale and power is suddenly revealed as fragile. That is the insight behind this year's protest wave, as John Keane describes it. The harder question is what happens next.
Domain one:
the modern revolt of the powerless In 1978, the Czech dissident Václav Havel described a greengrocer who places a regime slogan in his shop window. He does not believe it; he displays it to avoid trouble. Havel's point was that regimes survive on millions of such small acts of compliance.
When people stop performing them, the regime is exposed. In 1989, Czechoslovakia's Velvet Revolution proved him right. Research has since put numbers to the idea. Political scientist Erica Chenoweth studied civil resistance campaigns from 1900 to 2006.
She found that non-violent campaigns were twice as likely to succeed as violent ones and that no regime in her study survived sustained participation by 3.5% of the population. Chile shows both the power and the limit.
In October 2019, a 30-peso rise in metro fares set off the estallido social, a nationwide revolt against inequality. The pressure forced a 2020 plebiscite in which 78% voted for a new constitution. But voters then rejected both drafts that followed.
The revolt stopped the old order in its tracks; it could not agree on a new one.
Domain two:
Gandhi's non-cooperation India offers a different model. Gandhi's Non-Cooperation Movement (1920-22) was a mass withdrawal of consent from British rule: resigning titles, boycotting courts, schools and foreign cloth.
It shook the colonial state. But Gandhi never treated refusal as enough. He called off the movement in 1922 after the violence at Chauri Chaura, because he judged the movement unready. And he paired non-cooperation with a constructive programme
- khadi, village industries, work against untouchability, communal harmony - carried out through the Congress, a mass organisation. Refusal took away the empire's cooperation; construction built the habits and institutions of self-rule.
Synthesis:
what refusal can and cannot do Set side by side, the two domains reveal something neither shows alone. Havel, Chenoweth and Chile prove that refusal can stop power. Gandhi shows that only construction can replace it.
This is exactly the line between Keane's two possibilities. A protest without organisation or a programme becomes what Anton Jäger calls hyperpolitics: intense, viral and soon spent. A protest that builds institutions alongside its refusal becomes Keane's emergency brake on a moving democracy - something that stops harm and then lets a steady hand steer.
The test for today's protests, from Paris to Santiago to New Delhi, is not how many people they bring onto the street. It is whether anything is being built while the street is full.
Quick Facts
Key numbers & takeaways — revise these first
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John Keane is Professor of Politics at the University of Sydney.
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Václav Havel wrote The Power of the Powerless in 1978, arguing that regimes survive on everyday compliance.
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Czechoslovakia's Velvet Revolution in 1989 ended communist rule through mass non-violent protest.
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Erica Chenoweth's research on civil resistance between 1900 and 2006 found that non-violent campaigns were twice as likely to succeed as violent ones.
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Chenoweth's 3.5% rule holds that no regime studied withstood sustained non-violent participation by 3.5% of the population.
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Chile's estallido social began in October 2019 after a 30-peso rise in Santiago Metro fares.
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In Chile's 2020 plebiscite, 78% voted to draft a new constitution.
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Belgian theorist Anton Jäger uses the term hyperpolitics for intense but institutionally unanchored political outrage.
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Gandhi's Non-Cooperation Movement ran from 1920 to 1922 and was called off after the Chauri Chaura violence.
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In 2024, Gen Z-led protests in Kenya forced the government to withdraw proposed tax increases.
Connect the dots for your UPSC preparation.
Standard news covers the event. Log in to read our comprehensive analysis and uncover the hidden constitutional, structural, and ethical dimensions of this topic:
The full first domain: how Havel's greengrocer, Chenoweth's 3.5% finding and Chile's estallido show both the force and the limits of mass refusal
The full second domain: Gandhi's pairing of non-cooperation with organisation, discipline and the constructive programme
A synthesis testing Keane's emergency brake against Jäger's hyperpolitics, with a usable claim for any UPSC essay on power and protest
Examples across eras and continents ready to deploy in essays on democracy, civil society and power
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