Summary
After the 17 October Chorbagan Durga Puja stampede in north Kolkata killed 19 people and injured 25, West Bengal Chief Minister Suvendu Adhikari said fake videos of the tragedy, made mainly in Bangladesh, had been shared or commented on by people across the state.
He said 135 such people had been identified and told the police to book them under non-bailable provisions. The state has a real duty to stop panic, but treating creators, sharers and commenters alike tests the limits of proportionate policing and free expression.
WHY IT MATTERS FOR UPSC & STATE PCS
On 20 October 2026, while visiting victims' families, CM Suvendu Adhikari announced action against 135 people who circulated or endorsed fake stampede videos. The West Bengal Police STF had already arrested a man from Cooch Behar for allegedly spreading misinformation about the death toll.
Standard News
Three People in One Chain, Three Different Wrongs
Misinformation after a mass-casualty event is not harmless gossip. One fake video reportedly alleged that a stampede victim's eye had been stolen. Claims like that, spreading through grieving communities, can trigger panic, anger and communal tension. A government that does nothing would be failing its duty. So the question is not whether West Bengal should act. It is how.
The easy answer and why it fails The easy answer is to treat everyone in the chain the same.
The Chief Minister said 135 people had been identified for circulating or endorsing the fake videos and asked the police to book them under non-bailable provisions. On the surface, this is decisive. But look at who sits in that chain:
- The creator, who manufactured the falsehood, perhaps across the border, perhaps as part of a coordinated effort.
- The sharer, who may have forwarded it knowingly to inflame or carelessly, out of shock or concern.
- The commenter, who may have endorsed it, questioned it or used it to criticise the administration's handling of the tragedy. These are not the same act. Treating them alike turns a legitimate public-order goal into something closer to a dragnet.
What the
law already says The Supreme Court has drawn these lines before. In Shreya Singhal v. Union of India (2015), it struck down Section 66A of the IT Act because its vague wording let police arrest people for merely annoying or inconvenient posts, chilling free speech.
The Court distinguished between discussion, advocacy and incitement; only the last can be punished. In Arnesh Kumar v. State of Bihar (2014) and Siddharth v. State of UP (2021), it held that arrest is not automatic, even for non-bailable offences.
For offences punishable with up to seven years, police must record specific reasons and liberty should not be curtailed if the accused cooperates. There is also a timing problem. The stampede has raised hard questions about safety and accountability.
The Calcutta High Court has ordered an inquiry led by a retired judge and seven people, including pandal organisers, have been arrested. Blanket charges against commenters, in this moment, risk silencing the very public questioning that accountability needs.
The proportionate path Imagine you are the officer handed the list of 135 names.
A proportionate response would:
- Target creators and coordinated networks first, using investigation into origins, including cross-border sources.
- Correct the facts fast, through official briefings and platform flagging, because a quick truth weakens a fake far more than a delayed arrest.
- Handle careless sharers through notice, asking them to delete content and warning them, rather than arresting them.
- Reserve arrest for those whose intent to incite is shown by evidence, with reasons recorded as the courts require. What is lost? Some who spread falsehoods knowingly may escape punishment and the deterrent message is softer. But a state that arrests the frightened alongside the malicious teaches citizens a worse lesson: that speaking at all, after a tragedy, is dangerous. For GS4, the insight is that proportionality is not leniency. It is precision: the duty to stop harm and the duty to protect speech are both met only when the state can tell a creator from a citizen.
Quick Facts
Key numbers & takeaways — revise these first
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The Chorbagan Sarbojanin Durga Puja stampede in north Kolkata occurred on 17 October 2026 at about 7.40 pm.
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It killed 19 people and injured 25.
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The CM said the fake videos were made mainly in Bangladesh and shared by people from Cooch Behar onwards.
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135 people were identified for police action under non-bailable sections.
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BNS Section 353, which replaced IPC Section 505, penalises statements and rumours conducing to public mischief.
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Section 54 of the Disaster Management Act, 2005, punishes false alarms about a disaster with up to one year and is generally bailable.
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Shreya Singhal v. Union of India (2015) struck down Section 66A of the IT Act for vagueness and its chilling effect on speech.
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The Calcutta High Court directed that a retired High Court judge lead the inquiry into the stampede.
Connect the dots for your UPSC preparation.
Standard news covers the event. Log in to read our comprehensive analysis and uncover the hidden constitutional, structural, and ethical dimensions of this topic:
A three-way breakdown of creator, sharer and commenter and why each deserves a different legal and ethical response.
How Shreya Singhal (2015), Arnesh Kumar (2014) and Siddharth (2021) together define where police action must stop.
Why blanket charges during an active accountability inquiry risk chilling legitimate criticism of the administration.
A step-by-step proportionate protocol for officers handling a list of misinformation suspects after a disaster.
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