Topic 7 of 20
GS Paper 2 India-Pakistan Relations India-Pakistan Engagement via Multilateral (SCO) Formats

Terror and Talks Can't Go Together, Except at the SCO Table: Why India Is in Islamabad

Source Indian Express, Bol News, ThePrint, Business Recorder, Dawn, News On Air, Tribune India

New Delhi's position on Pakistan has been simple since Pahalgam: terror and talks cannot go together. Yet this week, a year and a half after Operation Sindoor, India's SCO National Coordinator is sitting at a table in Islamabad. The two are not in conflict and the reason they are not is the whole story.

Summary

India has sent Alok Dimri, its SCO National Coordinator from the Ministry of External Affairs, to Islamabad for the first meeting of the SCO Council of National Coordinators under Pakistan's 2026-27 chairmanship. The meeting runs from Monday to Wednesday and is chaired by Pakistan's National Coordinator, Dr M Faisal.

It will plan the programme for Pakistan's chairmanship under the theme Turning Vision into Action: Connectivity, Innovation and Shared Prosperity. It is India's first SCO meeting in Pakistan in almost two years and it comes after the Pahalgam attack and the May 2025 military confrontation.

New Delhi's position is that it will not hold bilateral talks while terrorism continues, but it will engage with Pakistan within the SCO format. Pakistan is expected to invite Prime Minister Narendra Modi to the SCO summit it will host.

WHY IN NEWS FOR UPSC & STATE PCS

An Indian delegation led by India's SCO National Coordinator is attending the SCO Council of National Coordinators meeting in Islamabad from September 28, 2026. It is the first Indian participation in an SCO meeting in Pakistan in nearly two years and the first since Operation Sindoor.

Pakistan now chairs the SCO Council of Heads of State for 2026-27 and is expected to invite the Indian Prime Minister to the summit. The visit shows how India separates its bilateral hard line from its multilateral commitments.

Standard News

THE SEAT INDIA CANNOT AFFORD TO LEAVE EMPTY

India's stated position is that terror and talks cannot go together. It is careful to apply that rule to bilateral engagement only. Sending its SCO National Coordinator to Islamabad does not contradict the policy. It uses the space the policy deliberately leaves open. To see why, look at what each country at the table wants.

The interest map Pakistan wants its chairmanship to look like normal statecraft, not the presidency of a country India accuses of sponsoring terrorism.

A well-attended Islamabad calendar suggests Pakistan is a regular host of a Eurasian bloc. Inviting Modi to the summit forces India into a choice: attending would signal normalisation and staying away would look like a snub to the whole grouping. China regards the SCO as a forum it largely shaped.

An India that walks out makes the forum easier for Beijing to manage, but less credible. An India that stays inside it constrains China, but keeps the SCO's claim to represent Eurasia intact. Russia and the Central Asian states want India inside.

For Moscow, India offsets China's weight in the bloc. For Central Asia, India is a connectivity and market partner that is neither China nor Russia. India has two things to protect: access to Central Asia and a veto over what the SCO says.

Why presence is leverage The SCO takes decisions by consensus, without a vote.

In practice, any member at the table can block a document. India used exactly this in June 2025 at Qingdao, when it refused to sign a Defence Ministers' draft that left out Pahalgam but referred to Balochistan. The document was not adopted.

By the Tianjin summit that September, the leaders' declaration condemned the Pahalgam attack. That sequence is the argument. Being present is what gave India its veto. A boycott of Pakistan's chairmanship would not isolate Pakistan.

It would leave the chair and the drafting of the year's documents, to a China-Pakistan pairing with no Indian voice to object. A coordinators' meeting is where the programme, the agenda and the documents for the whole year get set.

It is administrative work and whoever skips it gives up influence over everything that follows.

The risk that remains The cost is signalling.

Pakistan will present the visit as a thaw and a summit invitation will turn a technical meeting into a test of political will. The important distinction is between rank and presence. A National Coordinator at a planning meeting protects India's interests without implying political warmth.

The harder decision will come at the summit, where the level of India's representation will send the message, one way or the other.

For the exam: this is compartmentalised diplomacy, not inconsistency. India keeps a hard line in bilateral relations and stays present in the multilateral forum because, in a consensus body, the empty chair is the only real concession.

Quick Facts

Key numbers & takeaways — revise these first

  • The SCO Council of National Coordinators met in Islamabad from September 28, 2026.

  • Alok Dimri, India's SCO National Coordinator from the Ministry of External Affairs, led the Indian delegation.

  • Pakistan's National Coordinator for the SCO, Dr M Faisal, chaired the meeting.

  • Pakistan holds the chairmanship of the SCO Council of Heads of State for 2026-27.

  • The theme of Pakistan's chairmanship is Turning Vision into Action: Connectivity, Innovation and Shared Prosperity.

  • India and Pakistan both became full SCO members in 2017.

  • India launched Operation Sindoor in May 2025 after the April 2025 Pahalgam terror attack.

  • SCO decisions are taken by consensus, without a vote.

  • In June 2025, India refused to sign the SCO Defence Ministers' joint document at Qingdao because it did not mention the Pahalgam attack.

Beyond The Headlines
GS Paper 2 India-Pakistan Engagement via Multilateral (SCO) Formats

Connect the dots for your UPSC preparation.

Standard news covers the event. Log in to read our comprehensive analysis and uncover the hidden constitutional, structural, and ethical dimensions of this topic:

1

A four-actor interest map covering what Pakistan, China, Russia and the Central Asian states are each calculating about India's presence in Islamabad

2

How the SCO's consensus rule turned India's Qingdao refusal into the Tianjin condemnation of Pahalgam and why a boycott would give up that lever

3

The signalling risk of a summit invitation and why the level of representation matters more than attendance itself

4

A short-term and long-term playbook for managing Pakistan's full chairmanship year without undermining the bilateral terror-talks line

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