Summary
One hundred days after the BJP ended 15 years of Trinamool Congress rule in West Bengal, the party is absorbing rather than dismantling the patronage networks it campaigned against - a real-time demonstration of political scientist Dwaipayan Bhattacharya's "party society" thesis, in which parties change but the underlying machinery of clubs, contractors and local strongmen persists.
WHY IN NEWS FOR UPSC & STATE PCS
An essay in The Hindu examines the internal contest within Bengal's ruling BJP, 100 days into Chief Minister Suvendu Adhikari's term, between the RSS's push for ideological continuity, state BJP president Samik Bhattacharya's push for organisational discipline and Adhikari's absorption of former Trinamool cadres and networks.
Standard News
When Winning an Election Is Not the
Same as Winning the System There is a particular kind of political disappointment that has nothing to do with losing. It happens when the side that wins keeps every promise about who holds power and breaks the deeper promise about how power will be held. West Bengal, 100 days into its first BJP government, is watching this unfold in real time.
The Pattern Repeating Itself
1. Bengal has changed colour before, without changing its machinery: Congress gave way to the Left Front, which governed for 34 years partly by turning party cadres into the everyday brokers of state resources, local justice and economic access.
When Mamata Banerjee's Trinamool Congress dislodged the Left in 2011, it inherited this machinery rather than dismantling it - a pattern political scientist Dwaipayan Bhattacharya named "party society," where the party, not the impartial state, becomes the actual point of contact between citizens and power.
2. The BJP now faces the identical temptation: Auto stands, e-rickshaw stands and neighbourhood clubs once controlled by Trinamool workers now carry BJP flags. Strongmen who once stood beside Trinamool legislators now appear beside BJP leaders.
Chief Minister Suvendu Adhikari, whose own political instincts were shaped inside the Trinamool machine he defected from, understands something the RSS's ideological cadre may not have fully reckoned with: in Bengal, power lives less in the Assembly than in clubs, booths, contractors and transport networks - and those networks can be inherited far faster than they can be rebuilt from scratch.
3. A party can be internally divided over exactly this question: Three forces are now contesting what the Bengal BJP becomes - the RSS, whose cadres built the party over decades of isolation expecting a genuinely different political culture; the state party president, trying to impose organisational discipline through expulsions and suspensions; and the Chief Minister, whose priority is ensuring the Trinamool cannot rebuild by absorbing its people and networks first.
The Stakes Beyond Bengal This is not
simply a Bengal story. It is a structural test that confronts every party that wins power promising rupture: dismantling an entrenched patronage system is slower, costlier and less immediately useful than simply inheriting it.
The genuine test of Bengal's new government is not whether the Trinamool loses elections - it already has. It is whether the system that made the Trinamool powerful outlives the Trinamool itself, wearing a different party's colours.
Quick Facts
Key numbers & takeaways — revise these first
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Suvendu Adhikari is West Bengal's first BJP Chief Minister, sworn in after the BJP ended 15 years of Trinamool Congress rule under Mamata Banerjee.
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Samik Bhattacharya serves as West Bengal BJP state president.
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Political scientist Dwaipayan Bhattacharya coined the term "party society" to describe how political parties in Bengal became the primary mediators of citizens' access to the state.
Connect the dots for your UPSC preparation.
Standard news covers the event. Log in to read our comprehensive analysis and uncover the hidden constitutional, structural, and ethical dimensions of this topic:
A genuinely different domain example - Mexico's 2000 transition ending 71 years of PRI rule - developed in full, showing this is not a uniquely Indian or uniquely Bengali problem
The specific synthesis TAN draws from comparing Bengal and Mexico: why formal power alternation and actual system change are two different achievements and what determines which one a transition delivers
The deeper structural reason clientelist networks survive across regime change even when the incoming party genuinely intends reform
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